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Foreign relations of Morocco
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Morocco is a member of the United Nations and belongs to the
Arab League, Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), Organisation of Islamic Cooperation
(OIC), the Non-Aligned Movement and the Community of Sahel-Saharan States
(CEN_SAD). Morocco's relationships vary greatly between African, Arab, and
Western states. Morocco has had strong ties to the West in order to gain
economic and political benefits.[1] France and Spain remain the primary trade
partners, as well as the primary creditors and foreign investors in Morocco.
From the total foreign investments in Morocco, the European Union invests
approximately 73.5%, whereas, the Arab world invests only 19.3%. Many countries
from the Gulf and Maghreb regions are getting more involved in large-scale
development projects in Morocco.[2]
Foreign relations have had a significant impact on economic
and social development in Morocco. Certain evidence of foreign influence is
through the many development projects, loans, investments, and free trade
agreements that Morocco has with other countries. Some free trade agreements
include the Euro-Mediterranean free trade area agreement with the European
Union; the Greater Arab Free Trade Area with Egypt, Jordan, and Tunisia; as
well as the US-Morocco Free Trade Agreement with the United States.[3] An
example of recent foreign influence is through loan agreements. Morocco signed
three loan agreements with the French Development Agency (AFD) in 2009,
totalling up to 155 million euros. These were for the purpose of reforming the
education system, rural roads and rehabilitation, as well as infrastructure
projects.[4]
There are many reasons why foreign powers have chosen to
establish relations with Morocco. These factors are important to analyze
because it shows that relationships are based on specific considerations. For
example, Morocco had to be perceived as a democracy before receiving major
loans and investments from western states.
Contents [hide]
1 Factors Influencing Foreign Relations
1.1 Role of Political Organization
1.2 Role of Colonialism
1.3 Role of Free Market
1.4 Role of Foreign Policy Support
1.5 Role of Immigration
1.6 Role of Global Identity
2 Maghreb and Africa
2.1 Algeria
2.2 Mauritania
2.3 Western Sahara conflict
2.3.1 Positions on Western Sahara conflict
3 Middle-East
3.1 Sudan
3.2 Egypt
3.3 Iran
4 Europe
4.1 European Union
4.2 France
4.3 Russia
4.4 Spain
4.5 European Countries
5 Relations with the United States
6 Rest of world
6.1 Argentina
6.2 Canada
6.3 China
6.4 Pakistan
7 Overview
8 See also
9 References
10 External links
11 Bibliography
Factors Influencing Foreign Relations[edit]
Role of Political Organization[edit]
Policies associated with foreign relations are determined by
the king, King Mohamed VI, and his advisors, despite the fact that Morocco has
a constitutional monarchy.[1] Morocco has had a history of monarch rule. For
example, the king of Morocco in 1965 suspended parliament and ruled as a
dictator for two years. This was in response to the discovery of a plot on the
king's life, of which the political party, UNFP, was accused. Foreign relations
with western powers became strained as a result of this. Portraying Morocco as
a democratic state became important if Morocco wished to receive loans and
investments by foreign powers.[5]
Role of Colonialism[edit]
Morocco's current relations with some countries are related
to its colonial history. Morocco was secretly partitioned by Spain and France
and in 1912 Morocco became a protectorate. Despite achieving independence in
1956, Morocco still has a strong relationship with its former colonizers. Spain
and France are currently the largest exporting and importing partners to
Morocco. French is still popularly spoken and remains the second language in
Morocco whilst Spanish is also widespread, particularly in the northern
regions. France now is home to more than a million Moroccans legally residing
in the country. This is the largest population of Moroccans in a country,
followed next by Spain. These former colonizers remain influential in economic
matters, such as development projects, investments, trade, and loans.[6]
Role of Free Market[edit]
Relations with foreign powers, especially with the West,
have also been strengthened as Morocco has liberalized its economy and
implemented major economic reforms. In 1993 there was major privatization and
markets were opened up to foreign powers.[7] Morocco now is focusing more on
promoting foreign direct investments. In 2007, Morocco adopted the Hassan II
Fund for Development, which are measures that simplify procedures to make the
process easier and more financially beneficial for foreign investors. This was
done with financial incentives, as well as tax exemptions. These policies make
it beneficial for other countries to have relations with Morocco so that they
can take advantage of their goods. Morocco's exports are mainly agriculture,
and it is one of the largest exporters of phosphate in the world. In addition,
Morocco has rich fishing waters, a tourist industry, and a small manufacturing
sector.
Role of Foreign Policy Support[edit]
Morocco also gains financial support from countries that it
assists. For example, Morocco has had a long history of supporting the United
States and it has received financial support as a result. Moroccan troops were
involved in Bosnia as well as in Somalia, during the operation Desert Storm.
Morocco also was among the first Arab and Islamic states to denounce the
September 11, 2001 Terrorist Attacks in the United States and declare
solidarity with the American people in the war against terror.[8] It has
contributed to UN peacekeeping efforts on the continent. In 1998, the U.S.
Defence Secretary, William Cohen, said that Morocco and the U.S. have
"mutual concerns over transnational terrorism" as well as interests
in "the effort to control the spread of weapons of mass
destruction".[9] In recognition of its support for the War on Terrorism,
in June 2004 U.S. President George W. Bush designated Morocco as a major
non-NATO ally. Another case of mutual foreign policy interests is with Saudi
Arabia. Ties between these countries were strengthened when Morocco sent troops
to help Saudi Arabia during the 1992 Gulf War. This was perceived as a
"gesture to support Western and Arab allies". Morocco's relationship
to countries in the Middle East and its contribution to the Palestinian cause
have created stronger relations between these countries.[10]
Role of Immigration[edit]
Another factor determining relations is how much immigration
the country receives from Morocco. The beginning of major migration to Europe
began during the colonial era (1912 to 1956). During World War I and II, France
had an urgent need for manpower, which led to the recruitment of tens of
thousands of Moroccan men to work in factories, mines, and in the army.[11]
Another increase in immigration from Morocco to France was during the Algerian
war of independence. France stopped recruiting workers from Algeria and instead
accepted more Moroccan factory and mine labourers. Immigration increased even
further from 1962–1972 when economic growth in Europe occurred, which led to a
greater demand for low-skilled labour. At this time, Morocco signed major
labour recruitment agreements with European countries, such as France, West
Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands. This led to a more diverse spread of
emigration, which until this time was focused primarily on the country of France.
Role of Global Identity[edit]
Morocco's perceived identity plays a role in its relations
with other countries. Numerous countries have strong relations with Morocco
because of its history of being a western ally. For example, Morocco has one of
the longest friendship treaties with the United States. This is important for
US interests because Morocco is a stable, democratizing, and liberalizing Arab
Muslim nation. Geopolitical benefits are evident because ties to Morocco means
that an ally is established in Africa, in the Maghreb region, and among the
Arab states. Morocco's identity as an Arab Muslim state has also strengthened
ties with the gulf countries as a result of 9/11 and the "war on
terror". This has resulted in countries, such as the GCC (Saudi Arabia,
Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, United Arab Emirates), choosing to invest more in the
Arab world.[12] Many countries in the Maghreb region also invest in Morocco
because of perceived similarities in identity.
Maghreb and Africa[edit]
Morocco is very active in Maghreb and African affairs. The
Arab Maghreb Union is made up of Morocco, Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, and
Tunisia.[13] Although no longer a member of the OAU (Organisation of African
Unity) since November 12, 1984—following the admission of the Sahrawi Arab
Democratic Republic as the government of Western Sahara — Morocco remains
involved in developing the regional economy, as the city of Casablanca contains
North Africa's busiest port and serves as the country's economic center. There
are significant ties with West African and Sahel countries and Morocco
entertains good relationships with Senegal, Gabon and Burkina Faso.[14][15]
The major issue in Morocco's foreign relations is its claim
to Western Sahara.
Algeria[edit]
Main article: Algeria–Morocco relations
As a result of Algeria's continued support for the Polisario
Front in the dispute over Western Sahara, relations between Morocco and Algeria
have remained strained over the past several decades. The state of the
relationships between the two neighboring countries has hindered bilateral
collaboration and has left the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA) project almost
inactive.[16] Morocco has been aligned with the United States during the Cold
War, whereas Algeria kept a distance from the West, favouring the Soviet Union
and later a non-aligned position.
Mauritania[edit]
Main article: Mauritania–Morocco relations
Prior to the December 1984 coup that brought Taya to power,
the Mauritanian-Moroccan cooperation agency stated that relations between the
two countries were on the mend in spite of alleged Moroccan complicity in a
1981 coup attempt and Mauritania's subsequent turn toward Algeria.
Representatives from both sides initiated a series of low-level contacts that
led to a resumption of diplomatic ties in April 1985. For Mauritania, the
détente with Morocco promised to end the threat of Moroccan incursions, and it
also removed the threat of Moroccan support for opposition groups formed during
the Haidalla presidency. Through the agreement with Mauritania, Morocco sought
to tighten its control over the Western Sahara by denying the Polisario one
more avenue for infiltrating guerrillas into the disputed territory.[17]
Relations between Morocco and Mauritania continued to
improve through 1986, reflecting President Taya's pragmatic, if unstated, view
that only a Moroccan victory over the Polisario would end the guerrilla war in
the Western Sahara. Taya made his first visit to Morocco in October 1985 (prior
to visits to Algeria and Tunisia) in the wake of Moroccan claims that Polisario
guerrillas were again traversing Mauritanian territory. The completion of a
sixth berm just north of Mauritania's crucial rail link along the border with
the Western Sahara, between Nouadhibou and the iron ore mines, complicated
relations between Mauritania and Morocco. Polisario guerrillas in mid-1987 had
to traverse Mauritanian territory to enter the Western Sahara, a situation that
invited Morocco's accusations of Mauritanian complicity. Moreover, any
engagements near the sixth berm would threaten to spill over into Mauritania
and jeopardize the rail link.[17]
Western Sahara conflict[edit]
Legal status of Western Sahara
Main article: Legal status of Western Sahara
The conflict for this area continues to affect Morocco's
relations with Spain, Algeria, and other Maghreb nations. The issue of
sovereignty over Western Sahara remains unresolved. The territory—an area of
wasteland and desert bordering the Atlantic Ocean between Mauritania and
Morocco—is contested by Morocco and the Polisario (an independence movement
based in the region of Tindouf, Algeria). Morocco's claim to sovereignty over
the Sahara is based largely on an historical argument of traditional loyalty of
the Sahrawi tribal leaders to the Moroccan sultan as spiritual leader and
ruler. The Polisario Front claims to represent the aspirations of the Western
Saharan inhabitants for independence. Algeria claims none of the territory for
itself but maintains that Sahrawis should determine the territory's future
status.
From 1904 until 1975, Spain occupied the entire territory,
which is divided into a northern portion, the Saguia el-Hamra, and a southern
two-thirds, known as Río de Oro. In 1973, the Polisario Front (Popular Front
for the Liberation of the Saguia el Hamra and Rio de Oro) formed to combat the
Spanish occupation of the territory. In November 1975, King Hassan mobilized
350,000 unarmed Moroccan citizens in what came to be known as the "Green
March" into Western Sahara. The march was designed to both demonstrate and
strengthen Moroccan claims to the territory. On November 14 of the same year,
Spain, Morocco, and Mauritania announced a tripartite agreement for an interim
administration under which Spain agreed to share administrative authority with
Morocco and Mauritania, leaving aside the question of sovereignty. With the
establishment of a Moroccan and Mauritanian presence throughout the territory,
however, Spain's role in the administration of the Western Sahara ceased
altogether.
After a period of hostilities, Mauritania withdrew from the
territory in 1979 and signed a peace treaty with the Polisario relinquishing
all claims to the territory. Moroccan troops took control of the region vacated
by Mauritania and later proclaimed the territory reintegrated into Morocco.
Morocco subsequently built the Moroccan Wall, a network of fortified berms
around the largest portion of Western Sahara and has since asserted
administrative control over that territory. Polisario remains in control over
the easternmost part of the territory.
At the Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit in June
1981, King Hassan announced his willingness to hold a referendum in the Western
Sahara. Subsequent meetings of an OAU Implementation Committee proposed a
cease-fire, a United Nations peacekeeping force, and an interim administration
to assist with an OAU-UN-supervised referendum on the issue of independence or
annexation. In 1984, the OAU seated a delegation of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic
Republic (SADR), the shadow government of the Polisario; Morocco, consequently,
withdrew from the OAU.
In 1988, Moroccan and Polisario representatives agreed on a
UN peace plan. A UN-brokered cease-fire and settlement plan went into effect on
September 6, 1991. Implementation of the settlement plan, which calls for a popular
referendum among the Sahrawi natives of the territory to determine its final
status (integration into Morocco or independence), has been repeatedly
postponed because of differences between the parties. In 2003 the UN launched
the Baker Plan, allowing Moroccan settlers the vote and instituting a five-year
Sahrawi autonomous rule under Moroccan sovereignty before the referendum. This
plan won the unanimous approval of the Security Council through SC Resolution
1495, and was unexpectedly accepted by the Polisario. Morocco however refused
the plan, stating that it is no longer willing to accept a referendum that
includes the possibility of independence, but that it is willing to discuss an
autonomy-based solution. This deadlocked the process, and the future of UN
involvement is uncertain. Sahrawi demonstrations and riots that broke out in
the Moroccan-held parts of Western Sahara further strained relations between
the parties.
The United States has consistently supported the cease-fire
and the UN's efforts at finding a peaceful settlement. While recognizing
Morocco's administrative control of Western Sahara, and generally supportive of
the Moroccan government, the United States has not endorsed the country's claim
of sovereignty over Western Sahara, but it does support Morocco's autonomy
proposal. In the UN Security Council, France has proved the strongest backer of
the Moroccan view.
Positions on Western Sahara conflict[edit]
Positions on the status of Western Sahara:
Diplomatic relations
with or recognition of the Sahrawi Republic
Support for Morocco
territorial claim (including support for autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty);
SADR relations or recognition canceled or withdrawn (if no other position
expressed)
Support for
self-determination of the Sahrawi people; SADR relations or recognition
suspended or frozen (if no other position expressed)
None or conflicting
positions expressed
The following lists contain the following states and
entities:
82 states, the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement, the
African Union and the European Union are supporting "the right of
self-determination of the Sahrawi people" (e.g. the conduction of
referendum for status determination),
of these 29 states do not recognize the Sahrawi Arab
Democratic Republic;
of these 73 states recognize the Polisario Front as the
legitimate representative of the Sahrawi people;
of these 1 state and the EU don't recognize the Polisario
Front as the legitimate representative of the Sahrawi people;
45 states are supporting Moroccan claims on Western Sahara,
but not recognize its sovereignty over it
Some states are listed in both lists, for example when a
state is supportive of the "right of self-determination" including
the option of autonomy under Morocco sovereignty. Some states are changing
their opinion frequently or give separate announcements of support for both
Morocco and Polisario Front/SADR (Paraguay, Belgium, Benin, Botswana, Burundi,
Chile, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Guinea-Bissau, Malawi, Peru, Russia,
Sierra Leone, Swaziland).
Some of the states announcing support of the "right of
self-determination" in addition already recognize the Sahrawi Arab
Democratic Republic. Not all of the states that had canceled relations with or
withdrawn recognition of SADR have announced support for the Moroccan claims.
Middle-East[edit]
Morocco's stance is supporting the search for peace in the
Middle East, encouraging Israeli-Palestinian negotiations and urging moderation
on both sides. In 1986, then King Hassan II took the daring step of inviting
then-Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres for talks, becoming only the second
Arab leader to host an Israeli leader. Following the September 1993 signing of
the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles, Morocco accelerated its
economic ties and political contacts with Israel. In September 1994, Morocco
and Israel announced the opening of bilateral liaison offices. These offices
were closed in 2000 following sustained Israeli-Palestinian violence.
Morocco maintains close relations with Saudi Arabia and the
Persian Gulf states, which have provided Morocco with substantial amounts of
financial assistance. Morocco was the first Arab state to condemn Iraq's
invasion of Kuwait and sent troops to help defend Saudi Arabia. Morocco also
was among the first Arab and Islamic states to denounce the September 11, 2001
Terrorist Attacks in the United States and declare solidarity with the American
people in the war against terrorism. It has contributed to United Nations
peacekeeping efforts on the continent. In recognition of its support for the
War on Terrorism, in June 2004 U.S. President George W. Bush designated Morocco
as a major non-NATO ally.
Sudan[edit]
Main article: Foreign relations of Sudan
Sudan is one of the states that recognise Moroccan
sovereignty over Western Sahara. Both nations have a number of trade
agreements. There are no visa restrictions.
Egypt[edit]
Main article: Morocco-Egypt relations
Morocco and Egypt are both signers of the Agadir Agreement
for the Establishment of a Free Trade Zone between the Arabic Mediterranean
Nations, signed in Rabat, Morocco on February 25, 2004.[18] The agreement aimed
at establishing a free trade area between Jordan, Tunisia, Egypt and Morocco
and it was seen as a possible first step in the establishment of the
Euro-Mediterranean free trade area as envisaged in the Barcelona Process.[19]
They are also founding members of GAFTA, a pact made by the Arab League to
achieve a complete Arab economic bloc that can compete internationally.
In 1999 Egypt renewed backing to Morocco's territorial
integrity.[20] "Egypt has always backed Morocco's efforts to perfect its
territorial integrity," Egyptian deputy minister of foreign affairs, Jamal-Eddine
Bayoumi told Moroccan daily Al-Mounaataf, referring to Morocco's claims to the
territory. Bayoumi also stressed the need for Morocco and Egypt to consolidate
trade relations among Arab states.
Iran[edit]
Main article: Iran-Morocco relations
On March 6, 2009, Morocco severed diplomatic relations with
Iran after comments made by an Iranian politician that Bahrain was historically
part of Iran and as such still had a seat in the Iranian Parliament.[21]
Morocco described the comments as an attempt to "alter the religious
fundamentals of the kingdom",[22] and accused Tehran of attempting to
spread Shia Islam.[23] Morocco is a majority Sunni country and Bahrain, despite
having a large Shi'ite population, is ruled by a Sunni elite which has not
allowed the Shi'ites into the power structure.[24] Iran, a majority Shia
country, reportedly has an interest in empowering the Shi'ites in Bahrain in
order to raise its own status in the Persian Gulf, which has strained relations
between Morocco and Iran.[24] The episode was the latest in a series of events
that have weakened relations between the two countries over recent years,
particularly regarding the "hard-line" leadership in Iran, who have
in the past called into question the legitimacy of Bahrain's King. Morocco has
cut relations with Iran once before in 1980, after the Iranian
Revolution.[22][25]
Europe[edit]
European Union[edit]
Main article: Morocco and the European Union
Morocco maintains close relations with the European Union,
especially with the former colonial rulers, France and Spain. In October 2008,
Morocco was granted a special partnership status with the EU (labelled
'advanced status') in response to the reforms undertaken on the political,
social and economic levels.[26] With that, Morocco became the first country in
the southern Mediterranean region to benefit from the advanced status in its
relations with the EU.[27] The status includes the establishment of an
EU-Morocco summit and a direct participation of Morocco in a number of EU ministerial
councils and working group meetings. Morocco has been afforded the privilege of
having its currency unit linked to the Euro.
France[edit]
Main article: France–Morocco relations
France showed early interests in Morocco and in 1904, the
United Kingdom recognized France's sphere of influence in the region. France
and Spain secretly partitioned Morocco, despite the evident disagreements this
caused with Germany. The Treaty of Fes in 1912 made Morocco a protectorate of
France. Struggles and opposition ensued when France exiled the Sultan Mohammed
V, replacing him with Mohammed Ben Aarafa. The development of a strong
independence movement together with a common trend of decolonization led to
Morocco being granted independence in 1956.[28]
When De Gaulle returned to power in 1958, he was able to
consolidate most of the initiatives taken under the Fourth Republic, but was
only able to make progress by drawing up, once again, a new Constitution and
finding a solution to the war in Algeria. It was only after his return that the
policy of decolonisation ended and a policy of a new France started to emerge.
1962 marked Algerian independence and the revision of the Fifth Republic
allowed the President of France to be directly elected. De Gaulle was able to
set out his vision for the Third World, Africa and French influence in the
wider world. Relations with Morocco were very cordial during the reign of King
Mohammed V, only to take a turn for the worse when the French secret service
delivered Ben Barka to some Moroccan agents, who eventually killed him and the
affair turned into a serious and personal diplomatic row between King Hassan II
and General de Gaulle, which lasted till the exit of the latter from politics
in 1969.
During Pompidou's presidency a new entente developed between
Morocco and France when new initiatives emerged in the field of co-operation
setting up new institutions to deal with future aid and Moroccan economic
development. Giscard d'Estaing's presidency provided a more pronounced support
for Morocco and relations reached their zenith leading to a type of partnership
in the affairs of Africa. The French-Moroccan intervention in Zaire was
evidence of this partnership and President Giscard d'Estaing was in favour of
Morocco's annexation of the Western Sahara. French military and public aid
allocated to Morocco was unparalleled during this period when compared to
previous aid received.
Mitterrand's presidency did not affect the special relations
between Morocco and France but intensified after a shaky beginning. Although
human rights proved difficult to resolve, nevertheless, the President kept the
issue going together with Danielle Mitterrand, as President of France-Liberté.
Towards the end of his first term in office, a more challenging period for constitutional
debate emerged as a result of cohabitation which occurred between 1986 and
1988, adding another dimension to alternance to the end of Mitterrand's second
septennat to the arrival of Jacques Chirac.
By now a more stable and continuous policy emerged to
encourage investment and cooperation on major projects not only in agriculture
and dam projects but also involving both French and Moroccan enterprises in
creating a solid and a durable industrial base from aeronautics to automobile
industries, to the Euro-Med Port at Tangier and Renault-Toyota Plant and TGV
and tram projects in Casablanca and Rabat concluded under the presidency of
Sarkozy.
Both France and the USA played an important role in
supplying the Moroccan military with all the hardware and equipment needed to
redress the balance of power within the region, especially against Algeria's
rearmament, to ensure security in the Western Sahara and keep the Al Qaeda
branch of the Maghreb outside the Moroccan borders. The Moroccan military has
been modernised and trained to be admitted within the USA-NATO forces to carry
out regular exercises, as well as involving other NATO members in the fight
against any terrorist threat in the Mediterranean, the Atlantic and the Sahara
regions.
Franco-Moroccan co-operation also extends to the African
continent and both played a complementary role in helping to resolve the
problems in the Congo, in Chad and in many other fields as well as in the
economy and politics of the region. Morocco has become the preferred destination
for African students to attend university, instead of going to France, or to
attend military academies, Management and Administration or medical schools.
Moroccan banking has a significant hold on some African countries as well as
Moroccan expertise in energy production, construction, mining extraction,
diamond and gold exploitation as well as a great expertise in agriculture and
infrastructure in general. In short, many sectors which used to be the domain
of France have been gradually taken over by Moroccan companies and Moroccan
know-how.
Russia[edit]
Main article: Morocco–Russia relations
Spain[edit]
Main article: Morocco–Spain relations
The Treaty of Fes also allocated the northern part of
Morocco as a Spanish protectorate. There were many instances of resistance to
protest against Spanish exploitation of Morocco. The independence of this
region was gained at the same time that France withdrew control. Unlike France,
Spain still maintains control on some regions, such as Ceuta and Melila in northern
Morocco. Tensions also increased with conflicts over the fishing water
surrounding Morocco, the island of Perejil, and the Western Sahara.[29]
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